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Mainstream Islam, on the other hand, will find itself in perpetual conflict with a nationalistic and determined Hindu population, particularly in the hinterlands. This fact needs to be accepted by the institutions in Pakistan civilian government, army, ISI and respected in order to have any long-term peaceful solution in Kashmir and also to manage its relations with India.

Historically, the bravest warriors in India were Sikhs who were mostly Hindus inspired by the Sikh beliefs of justice, righteous action and martyrdom for a just cause. The current wave of nationalism gripping India is arming and training Hindus in the hinterland for self-defense against Islamic fundamentalists, creating a new breed akin to the Sikh soldiers of the past.


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Pakistan is no different. Its support for cross-border terrorist attacks in India via proxies have effectively labeled the Kashmiri freedom struggle as a terrorist movement and caused them to lose Western support. Ordinary civilians in both countries are sick of powerful politicians and generals talking big on nationalism and painting the other as the enemy.

Besides the issue of human rights violations, the amount of money wasted on the armed forces of both countries, the energy expended by its leaders on developing strategy and policy to counter the other, the misuse of the issue to whip up fear and animosity before elections — all these could be avoided if the institutions were more sincere about dealing with the issue through negotiation. They need to focus on growing their respective economies and eradicating poverty both in Kashmir and more broadly within the two countries.

India-Pakistan Trade Normalisation - The Unfinished Economic Agenda | Nisha Taneja | Springer

It is important to underscore that India is less of a country and more a subcontinent, where diverse peoples coexist , as do multiple religions. Its diversity is both its strength and weakness, because there have been various separatist movements against the union at different points of time. Whilst some movements are more under control — the Dravida Nadu movement, for instance, is defunct — than others, the Kashmir issue cannot be seen as being anything special or different from other independence struggles, each of which has its own grievances and logic.

Realistically, what the Kashmiri people need to expect as an end-goal is a solution within the status quo and a return of peace and economic prosperity to the two Kashmirs. To ask for more is a denial of both the complexities and realities of the Kashmir issue. This requires letting go of the past and moving forward in a spirit of cooperation and mutual respect, focusing on the future rather than being held hostage by the past. First, we need to get the engagement model right. There needs to be time-bound engagement on both sides with multiple stakeholders, including the civilian government, army, intelligence, separatist leaders and civil society.

This needs to include the resettlement of Kashmiri Pandits in the valley and a cessation of Islamic fundamentalist activities and disarmament. Over , Kashmiri Pandits fled the violence in India-administered Kashmir in the s. Currently, the numbers in India are around 62,; 40, of these live in Jammu, 20, live in Delhi and its satellite cities. This needs to be restored to the valley.

While ghettos are undesirable in the long term, for reasons of security it is likely that initially a mix of new townships and restoring Pandits to the areas originally inhabited by them is needed. Second, the powers and constraints placed on the armed forces need review and modification. India needs to address the humanitarian concern around Kashmir by repealing the Armed Forces Special Powers Act in its current form, replacing it with a version that recognizes and protects human rights of innocent Kashmiris.

This is unlikely to offer protection to known terrorists, putting a brake on enforced disappearances of innocent civilians detained for questioning. However, it also means that new legislation is likely to bring in stronger military and criminal measures to protect the rights of the Indian security forces who have had to face stone-pelting, to bring the stone throwers in line with the law the law in countries like the US and Israel is far more stringent.

The consequences of stone-pelting should be made clear to the civilian population in advance so that if they indulge in this, it would be at their own risk and responsibility. It is also good to involve parents to control their underage children from inadvertently becoming casualties. This should be part of the civilian outreach and is absolutely essential to the long-term success of any peace agreement. Pakistan also faces charges from Kashmiris that intelligence agencies trap poor Kashmiri youth into a cycle of terrorism and frequent human rights violations, including enforced disappearances of people who live in villages close to the Line of Control LOC.

Third, India and Pakistan need to issue a joint person of Kashmiri origin card, a year multiple-entry visa entitling Kashmiris from Greater Jammu and Kashmir to travel for up to days and invest anywhere in Jammu and Kashmir, whether in Pakistan or India. Controls can be there initially for periodic reporting to the local police stations every 15 days, but this can be dropped as the plan becomes a success and peace is restored. Moreover, where a Kashmiri is buying and selling goods from another Kashmiri across the border, it can be agreed that there would be zero import duties, but other customs checks on the nature of the goods would continue as normal.

Fourth — focus on autonomy alongside integration. Specifically, it needs to be examined whether a higher degree of financial autonomy is required for both Kashmirs and how this would work. For peace in Kashmir, India must address rights abuses by security forces. Currently, impunity is the norm. It is currently unclear whether Article can be legally dropped altogether or not.

Trade at India-Pakistan border comes to standstill after Kashmir attack

Pakistan should do the same on its side. This also helps in national integration with mainstream Indians and Pakistanis. Avoiding ghettos of any sort is necessary for long-term peace, particularly in an Indian context. Fifth — build focused law and order arrangements.

Personal and religious freedom must be protected in both parts of Kashmir. India and Pakistan need to create a joint mechanism that agrees a common minimum plan for the entire Kashmir area including, for example, enhanced monitoring such as using artificial intelligence of radical preachers in mosques and madrassas, including publications distributed by them.

Hawala funding needs to be monitored, including the use of cryptocurrencies on the dark web.

India-Pakistan Trade Normalisation: The Unfinished Economic Agenda

Exchange of intelligence information and joint security operations must be undertaken across both sides of the border to flush out any remnant terrorist pockets. This can be considered on both sides of Kashmir based on a phased approach once peace is firmly established, leaving sufficient armed forces to maintain law and order including riot control and counterterrorism on both sides. Seventh — make investments and expect returns. There needs to be a budget and a new joint development body to execute these plans through both direct infrastructure investments, building institutions such as popularizing high-yield agriculture and lending via existing banks.

Of course, central governments should recover these investments through taxes. With more than 2, case sites, the scientific management method, the refined manufacturing process, and the innovative manufacturing concept,have rapidly grown into the mining machinery production and export bases in China even the world. If you are interested in our company or products, welcome to visit our company and factories; you can also get in contact with us through online customer services, inquiry form, e-mails and telephones.

Our engineer will provide prosduct information, specific solution and good service for you as soon as possible. Pakistan Trade Statistics. Global Insights. The World Bank. Accessed 12 1 Weekly SPI for the week ended on 02 05 is We are a world leader in global container shipping and dedicated to providing efficient transport solutions.

The lenders executive board will.

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Pakistan relations. Uranium Trade Current Issues. Uranium trade Cameco and Tepco in dispute over cancellation of Fukushima uranium supply contract Cameco seeks US million in damages from Tepco for cancellation of Fukushima fuel supply contract Japans Tokyo Electric Power Tepco has revealed that Canadian uranium major Cameco is seeking Karachi is the center of trade art and culture. There are many places in Karachi which emerge traditional cultural and art values of city and Pakistan like Mohatta Palace the National Museum of Pakistan and Karachi Expo Centre these places hosts many regional and international exhibitions.

Ibid Accessed at: www. There is no agreed upon definition on what constitutes a non-strategic nuclear weapon.

For a description, see: Hans M. For a comprehensive analysis of this logic, see: P. Scott D. Sagan ed. For a detailed discussion on this logic, see: Bradley S. Tellis, Abraham M. Denmark, and Travis Tanner eds. Ashley J. Except for a decade after the war with China, India has always maintained dialogue with both of them and managed to minimize negative influence of Pakistan in determining China-India mutual policies and perceptions. Also, unlike India-Pakistan equations that have remained rather emotive and complicated, China-India equations have become pragmatic and improved over period of time thereby restricting the influence of Pakistan in China-India equations.

Since then, even their piecemeal rapprochement during s and s had been much too tangled in several external and domestic influences. It is only in more recent years therefore that China and India have demonstrated growing understanding of their own and begun to appreciate their limitations. So much so that India has successfully freed herself from the older India- Pakistan hyphenation and strengthened China-India hyphenation whereas Pakistan has slid into the quagmire of Afghanistan-Pakistan hyphenation.

Nevertheless, China and India have also failed to make any major mutual concessions and Pakistan continues to benefit from their trust-deficit and remains a factor of considerable influence in China-India equations. China-Pakistan Axis To begin with China presents a puzzle of dichotomous policies of seeking peace with India while at the same time arming and abetting Pakistan.

It is on this basis alone that one can make an objective assessment of the nature of China-India interactions and initiatives and crystal gaze their future direction. This was bound to have direct implications for China-India relations. As is vindicated by historic events, this China- sponsored Pakistani edge in its nuclear and missile technologies was to make Pakistan the single most disturbing element in the China-India equations.

India finds itself adhering to all these principles yet staying out of these regimes and decision making forums, thanks to China. The Chinese have been known for their grand and global visions and now they seem to see themselves as capable of actually implementing them. As a result, China is often seen as rather assertive in its India policy. Moreover, while China has began to accept the sanctity of multilateral forums, it still seems not ready to redesign its bilateral policies to conform to its multilateral diplomacy which has disappointed New Delhi.

It is interesting that Beijing was to place whole blame on New Delhi saying little about Pakistani nuclear tests, or role of Pakistan or about the future of China-Pakistan nuclear and missile relationship. This feeling of China privileging Pakistan was to be further reinforced by events that followed the Pokhran-II where China was seen extremely active in the passing of resolution by the UN Security Council and later in convening another meeting of the P-5 Foreign Ministers in London on June 4, always singularly denouncing New Delhi.

The Chinese design in this campaign was not lost on New Delhi. However, during the immediate period following the Pokhran-II, there is no denying the fact that Sino-Indian goodwill did suffer a set back during these accusations and counteraccusations. This has often witnessed China-India equations experiencing a roller-coaster ride of harsh and friendly noises. So following its anti-India tirade in the wake of Pokhran-II, Beijing was to soon begin to appreciate the reality of having to deal with two nuclear weapon states on its southern periphery.


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This was gradually replaced by a business-like approach with well thought focus on bilateral relations. Historically, India has always sought security-in-peace and not peace-in-security, and Indian leaders have never been found wanting in taking positive initiatives in streamlining its China-India relations. Thus, compared to the initial fire-fighting approach from both sides, their interactions were to return to their planned, integrated and piecemeal approach that stresses on areas of agreement rather than conflict.


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As the first step in reviving their mutual understanding, interactions like those in trade and commerce and other experts were to presage resumption of China-India official dialogue from early Their bilateral trade represents one most apolitical pillar that has proved to be the one most reliable as also most agreeable CBM for enhancing nromalisation in their ties. The fact it was only briefly that their bilateral trade was to get affected in the post-Pokhran-II phase of polemics.

This was to be visible in the post-Pokhran-II period as well where their trade was go up by 5. At least in trade and commerce Pakistan was has never been able to wield any major influence in China-India ties. This posture of neutrality was seen as the most important catalyst in making the Clinton-Sharif deal of July 4, which was credited for bringing about an earlier-than-expected conclusion of this conflict in Kargil.